Wednesday, April 29, 2020
Japanese Hrm free essay sample
International Journal of Human Resource Management, Human Resource Management Journal, Organizational Dynamics and Asian Business and Management. In 2005 he co-edited a book entitled ââ¬Å"Japanese Management: The Search for a New Balance between Continuity and Changeâ⬠with Palgrave. Anne-Wil Harzing is Professor in International Management at the University of Melbourne, Australia. Her research interests include international HRM, expatriate management, HQsubsidiary relationships, cross-cultural management and the role of language in international business. She has published about these topics in journals such as Journal of International Business Studies, Journal of Organizational Behaviour, Strategic Management Journal, Human Resource Management, and Organization Studies. Her books include Managing the Multinationals (Edward Elgar, 1999) and International Human Resource Management (Sage, 2010). Since 1999 she also maintains an extensive website (www. harzing. com) with resources for international and cross-cultural management as well as academic publishing and bibliometrics. Abstract The objective of this chapter is to develop suggestions as to how Japanese multinational corporations (MNCs) might best make use of foreign, here specifically American and German, HRM practices in order to reform their own HRM model. We will write a custom essay sample on Japanese Hrm or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page These suggestions are based on a large scale empirical study, encompassing responses from more than 800 HR managers. The learning possibilities for Japanese companies from abroad are analyzed on two different levels: at headquarters and at subsidiary level. One obvious difficulty we are presented with if we wish to answer the question what Japan can learn from ââ¬Ëthe Westââ¬â¢ is the selection of countries that are representative of ââ¬Ëthe Westââ¬â¢. In this study we limit our empirical research to the inspirations Japan might receive from the USA and Germany. This selection has some merit, in representing the largest and the third 2 3 largest developed economies in the world (with Japan being the second largest economy), and the economically dominant nations of North America and Europe (with Japan being the leading economy in Asia). In addition, the USA and Germany each embody the prime example of two of the three main varieties of market economies: the USA representing the free market economy of Anglo-Saxon countries and Germany the social market economy of continental Europe (with Japan embodying the third main variety of market economies, the government-induced market economy of East-Asia). Furthermore, according to Smith Meiksins (1995: 243) the USA, Japan and Germany are most frequently referred to as role models, ââ¬Å"as they provide ââ¬Ëbest practiceââ¬â¢ ideals from which other societies can borrow and learn. Consequently, these country models have been subject to numerous comparative analysis (Thurow, 1992; Garten, 1993; Yamamura and Streeck, 2003; Pascha, 2004; Jacoby, 2005). As economic performance and growth paths vary over time the role of a ââ¬Ëdominantââ¬â¢ economy also rotates among countries. In the 1950s, 1960s and most of the 1970s the American management style clearly was domin ant and a common expectation was that it would spread around the world, gaining application in many foreign countries. From the late 1970s to the early 1990s, this argument increasingly was applied to Japan (Mueller, 1994), and to a lesser extent and limited to the European context, to Germany (Albert, 1991; Thurow, 1992). Since the implosion of the Japanese economy, the stagnation of the German economy, and with the advent of globalization, the conventional wisdom over the last one and a half decades up to the current economic crisis has been that the American management model is particularly well suited to provide the necessary flexibility to cope with rapidly evolving economic and technological conditions. Consequently, the USA became again the dominant role model (Edwards et al. , 2005). This study employs a very carefully matched design in which we investigate the same three countries (Japan, the USA and Germany) as home and host countries. We not only study HRM practices at headquarters (HQ) in each of these three countries, but also the practices of the subsidiaries of MNCs from each of the three countries in the two other respective countries. As a result, we re able to compare the HRM practices of nine different groups of companies: HQ in Japan, the USA and Germany, subsidiaries of Japanese and German MNCs in the USA, subsidiaries of Japanese and American MNCs in Germany and subsidiaries of American and German MNCs in Japan. This design will enable us to disentangle the inspirations companies seek from abroad to a far greater extent than has been possible in other studies. 3 4 The structure of our analysis is separated into two main sections. The first main section describes empi rical results from HQ and the second main section depicts the situation at subsidiary level. For each of the two main sections, first the context of existing research is summarized. Subsequently, the methodology of the empirical research is described. Findings are then presented and subsequently discussed. Finally, suggestions are made as to how the Japanese might best make use of foreign HRM policies to reform their own HRM practices and ultimately improve competitiveness. Research context As mentioned above, the Japanese HRM model has often been recognized as a key factor to the rise of the Japanese economy, particularly during the 1980s (see for example Inohara, 1990). However, the same Japanese HRM which until recently has been much celebrated in the West, and presented as a role-model to be learned from (see for example Vogel, 1979; Ouchi, 1981; Peters and Waterman, 1982; Bleicher, 1982; Hilb, 1985), is now increasingly viewed as outmoded, and necessitating substantial reform (Frenkel, 1994; Smith, 1997; Yoshimura and Anderson, 1997; Crawford, 1998; Horiuchi, 1998; Ornatowski, 1998; El Kahal, 2001; Pudelko, 2005, 2007). Others, however, continue to stress its inherent strengths and warn against significant change (Kono and Clegg, 2001; Ballon, 2002; Ballon, 2006). On the other hand, American understanding of HRM has traditionally been viewed by Japanese managers with skepticism. It is regarded as contradicting in many ways the broad concept of ââ¬Ërespect for peopleââ¬â¢ (Kono and Clegg, 2001) and the aim of ââ¬Ëhuman resource developmentââ¬â¢ (Ballon, 2002) that is ingrained into the Japanese management philosophy. In particular, the idea of defining the employees of a company as ââ¬Ëresourcesââ¬â¢ (instead of members of the company ââ¬Ëfamilyââ¬â¢) that need to be managed (instead of ââ¬Ëdevelopedââ¬â¢) runs contrary to the key concepts of traditional Japanese HRM. However, in response to the deep crisis of the Japanese economy and management model, which has lasted for more than a decade now, it is clear that some shift toward Western management principles is taking place 4 5 (Frenkel, 1994; Ornatowski, 1998; El Kahal, 2001; Matanle, 2003). Thus, mirroring the economic growth patterns, adoption of Japanese HRM principles seems in the USA to be largely an issue of the past, whereas the question of adoption of American HRM policies is more current in Japan than ever. The key issue in Japan seems to be to find a new balance between the continuation of traditional (human resource) management principles and changes inspired largely by Western or more specifically American strategies. Regarding finally the specific German understanding of (human resource) management, it has to be concluded that this is a subject of no significant importance in Japanese business research, if it is considered at all (Pudelko, 2000a). Methodology Data collection and sample It may be noted from this brief review that existing literature in this field is in some respects inconclusive or somewhat contradictory. Nor has it generally been informed by empirical examination of HR managersââ¬â¢ own views on cross-national adoption processes. As this group might be expected to constitute the chief change agent, empirical insight appears in this context all the more important. Accordingly, this chapter provides data on the perceptions of HR managers from three different countries on the possibility of learning from each other. In this task, a quantitative approach seemed to be the most appropriate. The analysis is therefore based on empirical data which have been drawn together from an extensive survey (Pudelko, 2000a-c). The heads of HR departments from the 500 largest corporations of Japan ââ¬â and for comparative reasons ââ¬â the USA and Germany were selected as units of investigation. It was assumed that the heads of HR departments would have the highest degree of experience, knowledge and vision with regard to the issues being investigated, due to their senior positions within corporate hierarchies.
Friday, March 20, 2020
Summary Essays - Soups, National Dishes, Chicken Soup, Free Essays
Summary Essays - Soups, National Dishes, Chicken Soup, Free Essays Summary Objective Summary: The story is about a child's expectance of a family life filled with love and comforts, which is contrast with his real working class family life. Subjective Evaluation: Soto, back to his age of nine, dreamed to live in a family life that was uncomplicated in its routine. In reality, Soto lived in a working class family; he tried to change his family to imitate the perfect families he absorbed from television. I think many people have done what Soto did to fulfill the dream of a perfect family they wanted. I am not excluded from this either. I have an experience of attempting to change my family life. It was one year later after my family first came to the US in 1995. I learned many new things in this country that I never knew in China, and I appreciated some living styles in American culture. As I tended to like the styles of American life, I expected my family like them, too. The thing I wanted my family to change was the cooking style. I hated to cook Chinese dinner because it took so long to prepare. There are four kinds of food which are considered essential parts of Chinese dinner: rice, soup, vegetable, and meat; they are usually cooked separately. I was not the one who was good at cooking in my family, but I did have to cook when I came home earlier than my parents and two sisters still at work. One day, when we were sitting together at the dinning table for dinner, I suggested to my family that we could have sandwiches and precooked food from the supermarket as our dinner since many American families do. My parents looked at me in bewilderment. Son, you must be kidding, right? Those sandwiches and precooked food do not give you enough nutrition for growing up, my dad said. And precooked food is not good for your health, my mother kept on. My elder sisters showed no interest in my idea. I grew frustrated from their reaction, but I did not give up. Evening after evening, I kept bringing up the idea at the dinning table. My mother finally permitted me to make one American dinner for the family. That day, I went to the supermarket to buy bread, ham, and chicken soup right after school. I planned on making ham sandwiches and chicken soup for the dinner. The dinner was ready and served at our usual dinnertime. My mother tasted a spoon of the chicken soup and said, It tastes like brine, nothing but salty. Why don't they put some shark fins in it? She refused to have another spoon. My sisters only had a small bite of their sandwiches and then put them down; my father barely finished one. Even I could not have another one after finishing two. That night, my parents and sisters had instant noodle for dinner. Such a result was out of my expectation, but I had to accept it. From then on, the subject of changing cooking style is never brought up to the family conversation. I think Soto had the same feeling as I did when he found out that there was no way to change his family to be the perfect family he expected. When he realized that, he went out to look for work; being different from him, I tried to bring up another subject to the family conversation.
Wednesday, March 4, 2020
Prehistoric Semi-Subterranean Winter Houses
Prehistoric Semi-Subterranean Winter Houses The most common form of permanent housing in the prehistoric period for arctic regions was the semi-subterranean winter house. First built in the American arctic about 800 BC, by the Norton or Dorset Paleo-Eskimo groups, semi-subterranean houses were essentially dugouts, houses excavated partially or completely below the ground surface to take advantage of geothermal protections during the harshest of climates. While there are several versions of this form of house over time in the American arctic regions, and in fact there are several related forms in other polar regions (Gressbakken Houses in Scandinavia) and even in the great plains of North American and Asia (arguably earth lodges and pit houses), semi-subterranean houses reached their highest pinnacle in the Arctic. The homes were heavily insulated to ward off the bitter cold, and constructed to maintain both privacy and social contact for large groups of people despite that harsh climate. Construction Methods Semi-subterranean houses were built of a combination of cut sod, stone, and whalebone, insulated with sea mammal or reindeer skins and animal fats and covered with a bank of snow. Their interiors possessed cold-traps and sometimes dual seasonal entrance tunnels, rear sleeping platforms, kitchen areas (either spatially discrete or integrated into the main living area) and various storage areas (shelves, boxes) for stowing food, tools and other household goods. They were large enough to include members of extended families and their sled dogs, and they were connected to their relatives and the rest of the community via passageways and tunnels. The real genius of semi-subterranean homes, however, resided in their layouts. At Cape Espenberg, Alaska, a survey of beach ridge communities (Darwent and colleagues) identified a total of 117 Thule-Inupiat houses, occupied between 1300 and 1700 AD. They found the most common house layout was a linear house with one oval room, which was accessed by a long tunnel and between 1-2 side spurs used as kitchens or food-processing areas. Layouts for Community Contact A substantial minority, however, were multiple large-roomed houses, or single houses built side-by-side in groups of four or more. Interestingly, the house clusters, with multiple rooms and long entrance tunnels are all more common attributes at the early end of occupation at Cape Espenberg. That has been attributed by Darwent et al. to a shift from a dependence on whaling to localized resources, and the transition to a sharp downturn in climate called the Little Ice Age (AD 1550-1850). But the most extreme cases of below-ground communal connections in the Arctic was during the 18th and 19th century, during the Bow and Arrow Wars in Alaska. The Bow and Arrow Wars The Bow and Arrow wars were a long-lasting conflict between different tribes including the Alaskan Yupik villagers. The conflict could be compared to the 100 Years War in Europe: Caroline Funk says it imperiled lives and made legends of great men and women, with a range of conflicts from deadly to merely threatening. Yupik historians do not know when this conflict started: it may have begun with the Thule migration of 1,000 years ago and it may have been instigated in the 1700s by competition for long distance trading opportunities with the Russians. Most likely it began at some point in between. The Bow and Arrow Wars ended at or just prior to the arrival of Russians traders and explorers in Alaska in the 1840s. Based on oral histories, subterranean structures took on a new importance during the wars: not only did people need to conduct family and communal life inside because of weather demands, but to protect themselves from attack. According to Frink (2006), historic period semi-subterranean tunnels connected the members of the village in an underground system. The tunnels - some as long as 27 meters - were formed by horizontal logs of planks shored up by short vertical retainer logs. Roofs were constructed of short split logs and sod blocks covered the structure. The tunnel system included dwelling entrances and exits, escape routes and tunnels that linked village structures. Sources Coltrain JB. 2009. Sealing, whaling Journal of Archaeological Science 36(3):764-775. doi: 10.1016/j.jas.2008.10.022and caribou revisited: additional insights from the skeletal isotope chemistry of eastern Arctic foragers. Darwent J, Mason O, Hoffecker J, and Darwent C. 2013. 1,000 Years of House Change at Cape Espenberg, Alaska: A Case Study in Horizontal Stratigraphy. American Antiquity 78(3):433-455. 10.7183/0002-7316.78.3.433 Dawson PC. 2001. Interpreting Variability in Thule Inuit Architecture: A Case Study from the Canadian High Arctic. American Antiquity 66(3):453-470. Frink L. 2006. Social Identity and the Yupik Eskimo Village Tunnel System in Precolonial and Colonial Western Coastal Alaska. Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 16(1):109-125. doi: 10.1525/ap3a.2006.16.1.109 Funk CL. 2010. The Bow and Arrow War days on the Yukon-Kuskokwim . Ethnohistory 57(4):523-569. doi: 10.1215/00141801-2010-036delta of Alaska Harritt RK. 2010. Variations of Late Prehistoric Houses in Coastal Northwest Alaska: A View from Wales. Arctic Anthropology 47(1):57-70. Harritt RK. 2013. Toward an archaeology of late prehistoric Eskimo bands in coastal northwest Alaska. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32(4):659-674. doi: 10.1016/j.jaa.2013.04.001 Nelson EW. 1900. The Eskimo about Bering Strait. Washington DC: Government Printing Office. Free download
Monday, February 17, 2020
Wooden Chairs Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3500 words
Wooden Chairs - Essay Example Thirdly, pollution prevention mechanism is adopted to reduce air, water and soil pollution caused by wastes and gas emissions from the production of chairs. Lastly, recycling is used to put wastes into use and minimize wastes. In terms of implementation, the briefing paper suggests the formation of a five-member committee to oversee the implementation of the programme through planning, monitoring and evaluation. Wooden furniture production industries play significant roles in the process of development in tropical countries with abundant sources of wood and timber. Wooden furniture industries contribute economic benefits and enhance economic growth in such countries (International Trade Centre and International Tropical Timber Organization, 2005). Wood-processing companies such as companies producing wooden chairs create employment and expand the tax base of the country. They also promote the development of physical and institutional infrastructure needed for social and economic development of tropical countries. Furthermore, wooden chairs producers provide foreign exchange earnings and encourage investment in support industries. However, there are various challenges that wooden furniture producers need to consider in their business. This briefing paper will address one of the challenges affecting the company producing wooden chairs ââ¬â environmental or social impact. Any organisation engaged in the production of goods using natural resources needs to consider environmental or social issues in order to enhance environmental and social sustainability for a sustainable development (International Trade Centre and International Tropical Timber Organization 2005). In this period when climate change is becoming real, human life is directly and indirectly affected. Therefore, companies producing furniture need to develop mechanisms that may be used to conserve natural resources and prevent
Monday, February 3, 2020
Religion question Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words
Religion question - Assignment Example In addition to this, this god had a child with one of his wives, thus, Jesus was born. After the birth of Jesus, Satan was born which places him as the brother of Christ. This belief definitely contradicts the Christian theology that recognizes Satan as a fallen angel who rebelled against God. In this context, the Jesus Christ that Christians recognize is not the same Jesus that the Mormons know of. Their teachings created another theology of Jesus. Lastly, Christians recognize the authority of the Bible and its message, considering it perfect. Nothing should be added or subtracted from its message. In Mormonism, they have expressed the limitations of the Bible through the 8th article of faith from the Mormon Church states, "We believe the Bible to be the word of God as far as it is translated correctly."Ã Thus, Mormons can interpret the Bible according to their perspective. In conclusion, Mormons are not considered Christians since their theology contradicts the essential doctrine of Christianity, more so, they do not fully recognize the Bible as the unerring word of
Sunday, January 26, 2020
Bullying: Types, Effects and Government Initiatives
Bullying: Types, Effects and Government Initiatives Abstract The UK Government defines bullying as; Repetitive, wilful or persistent behaviour intended to cause harm, although one off incidents can in some cases also be defined as bullying; internationally harmful behaviour, carried out by an individual or a group and an imbalance of power leaving the person being bullied feeling defenceless. Bullying is emotionally or physically harmful behaviour and includes; name calling, taunting, mocking, making offensive comments, kicking, hitting, pushing, taking belongings, inappropriate text messaging and emailing, sending offensive or degrading images by phone or via the internet, gossiping, excluding people from groups and spreading hurtful and untruthful rumours. (HOC 2007, Frederickson et al 2008). Contents (Jump to) Introduction Chapter 1: The Types and Effects of Bullying Chapter 2: Educational Provision within Secondary Schools Chapter 3: Government Initiatives and the Education of Children who are being bullied Conclusion References Introduction This dissertation is going to investigate the links between education and bullying within secondary schools. Chapter One will give an overview of what bullying is and why is such a serious issue within secondary education, the chapter will then focus on the different types of bullying that happens within schools and what effects bullying has on both the person who is doing the bullying and their victims. It will include statistics concerning how many children/young person who have reported getting bullied, as well as the types of bullying these children have had to deal with. The remainder of the chapter will focus on the bully or bullies experiences before their started bullying another child/young person, paying particular attention to their educational experiences and disadvantages, but also taking into account any additional contributing risk factors which can affect a childs/ young persons behaviour and their education. These risk factors include risk around the childs/young per sons family, along with wider risks associated with poverty and deprivation. Risk factors such as peer pressure, jealously and being bullied themselves, which relate to education more directly, will be discussed in more details. The following chapters discuss the educational provision available to those children/young people who are being bullied and also those who doing the bullying, analysing the types of bullying the effects of bullying and also the types of provision and factors related to the reasons of why bullying happens. Chapter Two focuses on the educational provisions for the children who have been bullied, but Chapter Three addresses issues around reintegration and wider Government policy. Both chapters critically analyse current provision, whereas the conclusion will draw this analysis together and consider the extent to which the current system can be seen to be working in the interests of all concerned. Chapter One: The Types and Effects of Bullying The UK Government defines bullying as; Repetitive, wilful or persistent behaviour intended to cause harm, although one off incidents can in some cases also be defined as bullying; internationally harmful behaviour, carried out by an individual or a group and an imbalance of power leaving the person being bullied feeling defenceless. Bullying is emotionally or physically harmful behaviour and includes; name calling, taunting, mocking, making offensive comments, kicking, hitting, pushing, taking belongings, inappropriate text messaging and emailing, sending offensive or degrading images by phone or via the internet, gossiping, excluding people from groups and spreading hurtful and untruthful rumours. (HOC 2007:7-8, Frederickson et al 2008:176-177). Bullying takes many forms. It can be physical bullying, this is when a child is being pushed, beaten or thumped by bare hands. It can involve a weapon and threats. Bullying can also be verbal and emotional, racial or sexual. Elliott (1997a:2) it would seem that boys are more likely to be physical in bullying, while girls tend to be cruel verbally. Research by Olweus (1993:19) indicates that girls are more often exposed to harassment such as slandering, the spreading of rumours and exclusion from the group rather than physical attacks. Olweus (1993) continues it must be emphasised that these gender differences are general and that is some schools, girls are also expose to physical bullying. In more recent times there have been cases in the UK in which girls have violently and aggressively attacked other girls. An example of this was fourteen year old girl was cornered in the playground by a gang of ten boys and girls. She was stripped to the waist and had to beg on her knees to get he r clothes back. She was pushed, punched and had her hair pulled. Tell and youll get worse was the parting words from one of the girls. The victim did not tell until they did it again and took photographs. When her mother confronted the school, she was told it was only horseplay. The victim, who attempted suicide after the latest incident, was transferred to another school in which she is now thriving. (Elliott 1997b:1), this incident had a more positive ending, which is not always the case. There have also been deaths caused by bullying within schools, mainly in secondary schools. An example of this was in 2000 a 15 year old school girl committed suicide after being bombarded with anonymous calls on her mobile phone, the inquest into her found that she was being bullied through her mobile phone Mobile Phone Bullying/Cyber Bullying (The Independent, 2000). The incidence of girls being violent does seem to be increasing and is a trend that must be viewed with concern, as female bulli es, especially in groups or gangs are getting just as violent if not more violent then male bullies. Studies show that bullying takes place in every type of school. Studies on bullying within schools date back to the 1980s, were the first UK nationwide survey was conducted by Kidscape from 1984 to 1986 with 4000 children aged 5 to 16. The survey revealed that 68 per cent of the children had been bullied at least once; 38 per cent had been bullied as least twice or had experienced a particularly bad incident; 5 per cent of the children felt it had affected their lives to the point that they had tried suicide, had run away, refused to go to school or been chronically ill (Elliott and Kilpatrick 1996). Subsequent studies have found very similar results. Researchers at Exeter University questioned 5500 children aged 13 and found that 26 per cent of boys and 34 per cent of girls had been afraid of bullies sometime in their lives (Balding 1996). Bullying calls to ChildLine are growing at a rapid rate, ChildLine (2006) counselled 37,032 children about bullying between 1st April 2005 to 31s t March 2006. A further 4018 called ChildLine for other reasons but went on to talk about bullying. Every Month ChildLine counsels more than 3,000 young people about bullying, that is a quarter (23%) of all calls to the services. One area of growing concern is homophobic bullying. (ChildLine 2006). Bullying is not only a UK problem, it happens throughout the world. Olweus (1993:19) has been researching the problem of bullying in Norway since 1973; he estimated that one in seven pupils in Norwegian schools has been involved in bully/victim problems (Olweus 1993). Similar findings in other countries indicate that if adults are willing to listen and investigate, children will tell them that bullying is one of the major problems children face during their school years. There are different forms of bullying behaviour that has been identified, such as indirect and direct, as involving individuals or groups, verbal and physical. It is generally agreed that the most common form of bullying is verbal abuse is and name calling, followed by various forms of physical bullying. Within this type of behaviour/bullying, there are some important differences, based on age, gender, sexuality and ethnicity. The main types of bullying within school, especially within secondary schools, these are physical school bullying, emotional/verbal school bullying, electronic bullying or Cyber bullying and sexual/homophobic bullying. Physical bullying is when an individual bully or a group of bullies physical harm their victim, examples of this type of bullying are punching, shoving and slapping, and this can also be direct bullying. Emotional/Verbal school bullying is when a bully or bullies use poor and offensive language. Examples of emotional bullying includes the spreading of bad rumours about their victims, keeping their victims out of a group, teasing the victim in means ways and cussing them, getting other people/bullies to gang up on the victims, name calling, harassment, provocation, tormenting, whispering to another/others in front of the victim, walking in groups around school and keeping secrets away from a so called friend(s). Electronic bullying or cyber bullying is when bullying happens online or electronically. It occurs when the bully or bullies bully their victims through the internet, mobile phones or other electronic means and devices. Examples of this type of bullying are sending mean spirited text messages, emails and instant messages, posting inappropriate pictures, messages about their victims in blogs, on websites or social networking sites and using someone elses user name to spread rumours or lies about their victims. Sexual bullying/homophobic bullying is any of the above bullying behaviour, which is based on a victims sexuality or gender. It is when sexuality or gender is used as a weapon by boys or girls towards their victims, although it is more commonly directed at girls. This type of bullying can be carried out to the victims face, behind their back or through the use of technology (cyber bullying). However, it is also argued that sexist bullying or harassment in school is frequently dismissed as inoffensive or legitimised as part of the normal process of gender socialisation, and that it is a form of abuse engaged in by male teachers and male pupils alike (Stainton Rogers 1991). Furthermore, sexual harassment, of a physical as well as verbal kind, has been described as part of the hidden curriculum of many co educational schools (Drouet 1993). Indeed, Duncan (1999:128) presents a complex scenario in relation to what he terms gender abuse in schools. In deconstructs bullying as a manifestation of gender conflict in the pursuit of a desired sexual identity'. He concludes that both girls and boys can adopt a variety of active and passive roles in relation to bullying, but that sexualised nature of much gender abuse serves to remind girls that power is gendered. The threat of rape was identified as a potential sanction against girls who do not conform to male expectations: rape may be (comparatively) rare but physical and sexual assault are not and the lower range of conflictual sexualised gender practices keeps that threat alive on a daily basis. Some school girls have identified sexual assault and even rape within their understanding (and possibly experience) of bullying. Duncan (1999:128). The pervasive nature of homophobic abuse in schools has been widely commented upon, whether the intended target is known to be gay, or not. There is evidence to suggest that homophobic abuse serves to police gender identities, and establish norms of sexual behaviour and gender identity (Mac An Ghaill, 1989:273 286, Douglas et al, 1997) Rivers (1996:19) argues that a significant feature of homophobic bullying is the severity of the abuse. In a retrospective study of gay men and lesbians experience of bullying, one gay man reported having been raped by a teacher, others reported having their clothes set alight, and being burnt with cigarettes while being held down. One lesbian reported having been raped by a male pupil, and another of having been dragged around the playing field by her hair. Other types of bullying are gender bullying which could be linked directly to sexual and homophobic bullying and another type of bullying that is increasing is racist bullying or racial harassment, number of studies on the relationship between bullying and racism. However there appears to be some ambivalence concerning the conceptualisation of racist bullying. Tizard et al (1988:2), for example, report that name calling relating to physical appearance, personal hygiene and race represented the three most frequent forms of teasing reported among 7 year olds. Loach and Bloor (1995:18 20) and Siann (1994:123 134) argue that bullying can function as a cover for racism. A report by the Commission for Racial Equality (1988), describes various case studies of what is defined as racial harassment in schools. Regardless of the terminology used, Gillborn (1993) argues that racism in schools reflects a wider and racially structured society, and consequently, racist abuse carries extra weight . In terms of prevalence, Kelly and Cohns (1988) survey of first (year 7s) and Fourth Year (year 10s) pupils in school in Manchester found that two thirds of pupils said that they had been bullied. Racist name calling was recorded as the third most common form of bullying. In recent survey of Black and ethnic minority pupil in mainly white schools, 26% said that they had experienced racially abusive name calling during the previous week, while at school, or while travelling to and from school (Cline et al 2002:1). However, it is common with many surveys on bullying, that it is likely that racist bullying or harassment is under reported. There is some debate in the literature concerning both the value and validity of identifying typical victim or bully characteristics. Stainton Roger (1991) for example, argues that any child can be a bully or a victim, and that neither denotes an individual psychopathology: bullying is a reflective practice. Bullying creates victims, victims create bullies. On the other hand, Sharp et al (2002:139) claim that some children are more likely to fall into a bully role or victim role, and that is how children learn to manage aggression and assertion in interpersonal skills represents a key contributory factor. Olweus (1993:19) described bullies as physically stronger and victims as having characteristics that differed from the norm, for example in appearance sporting or academic ability. Boulton and Underwood (1992: 73 87) also found that children who perceived themselves to be different in some way, felt more vulnerable to bullying. Olweus (1984:58) found that approximately 20 per cent of bullies were also victims, and that they represented a particularly disturbed group. Others have claimed that some children fall neither into the victim nor bully category and that they therefore provide a useful normative contrast with which to analyses bullying and victim behaviour (Schwartz 1993 and Glover et al 1998). The effects that bullying has on both the bully and especially the victim can be life changing, in a negative way and have severe consequences not just short term, bullying can also have a long term effect on the victims. The effects of bullying have been said to be very serious, it has been reported that around ten children in the UK kill themselves each year because their lives have been made so miserable by being subjected to bullying (NSPCC 2009). There are many effects of bullying, these are include feeling depressed and sad most of the time, having sleeping problems such as insomnia or having nightmares, not wanting to go to school, not eating or over eating, suffering from stomach aches and headaches, feel less confident and also lose their self confidence and stop believing in themselves, feel unhappy and miserable which will result in enjoying life less. The longer the victim is subjected to bullying will probably in turn become a bully themselves, it will take longer for th e victim to recover from it and may continue to destroy the self confidence of the victim, leading to possible suicide. In 1999 Kidscape conducted the first ever retrospective survey of adults to discover if bullying at school affected those who had been bullied in later life. The survey showed that being badly bullied as a child had a dramatic, negative, knock on effect throughout life. The extensive survey of over 1000 adults, showed that bullying affects not only your self esteem as an adult, but your ability to make friends, succeed in education, and in work and social relationships. Nearly half (46 per cent) of those who were bullied at secondary school contemplated suicide compared with only 7 per cent of those who were not bullied. The majority of the adults reported feeling angry and bitter now about the bullying they suffered at school as children. Most received no help at the time to stop the bullying and telling either made the bullying worse or had no effect. Of the 1044 adults who took part in the survey 828 were bullied at school and 216 were not and of those bullied 70 per cent were w omen and 30 per cent were men and of those who were not bullied, 49 per cent were women and 51 per cent were men (Kidscape 1999:1). However, problems may occur if the school fails to recognise and resolve bullying within school, whereby a child may become at risk of truanting and disengagement from education, which could then lead to the risk of self harming and possible suicide. Should a child not experience an educational experience supportive of building resilience against bullying, then those exposed to bullying can turn to someone before it is too late. The following chapter aims to discuss the educational provision available for children who are victims to bullies and the consequences of those who do the bullying. It focuses purely on those children who get bullied in secondary schools. Chapter 2: Educational Provision within Secondary Schools This chapter aims to discuss the educational provisions available for those children who have been bullied and are still getting bullied. It focuses first on the provisions available for children who have been bullied throughout secondary schools, before examining the experiences of those who are living through bullying and also those who are the bullies. The importance of education as a preventative measure against bullying will be discussed along with how education is delivered to those children who are suffering at the hands of bullies. The Government has made tackling bullying in schools a key priority and the Department for Children, Schools and Families (DCSF) has made it clear that no form of bullying should be tolerated. Bullying in schools should be taken very seriously, as it is not a normal part of growing up and it can and will ruin lives. It is compulsory for schools to have measures in place to encourage good behaviour and respect for others on the part of pupils, and to prevent all forms of bullying. The DCSF supports schools in designing their anti bullying policies and their strategies to tackle bullying, by providing comprehensive, practical guidance documents. Regional advisers with expertise in the field of bullying are also on hand to help schools implement the guidance and draw on best practices. Teachers can help to reduce bullying both by the way they teach and by what they teach. In terms of approaches to teaching, although it may seem obvious, it may be helpful to consider teaching approaches along a spectrum with, at one extreme approach which actively promote bullying and at the other ones which specifically seek to prevent bullying. An example of actively promoting bullying is whenever a teacher deliberately humiliates a pupil, then the teacher is quite simply engaging in bullying. It really does not matter to the pupil whether the intention is merely to exert control or gain personal gratification. It would be pleasant to assume that this kind of teacher bullying was something that only happened in the past. Unfortunately most secondary school pupils, at least, will tell you that in their school there are one or two teachers who regularly use intimidation, sarcasm, belittling or harassment towards pupils, and that most teachers, on occasions, will resort to this kind of behaviour (Lawson 1994), showing the pupils that it is acceptable to bully others. The contrast from actively promote bullying is bullying preventive teaching. This is an approach to teaching which is alert to and aware of the condition which makes some pupils vulnerable and avoids endorsing these. This is about treating all pupils with a level of respect and avoiding making jokes at the expense of the weakest. It is about not contributing to a pupils vulnerability, about not setting up victims. It is also about acting as a good role model, as somebody who does no misuse the power they have. More proactively bullying preventive teaching is about publicly acknowledging that bullying is not acceptable, putting it specifically on the agenda within the secondary school and in the classroom, and creating opportunities which will help staff and pupils to develop strategies to counteract bullying. Overall what is needed is to change the way that pupils behave towards each other. To do this the pupils themselves must want to change and they need strategies and they must know how to change. The 1996 Education Act placed responsibility on head teachers for discipline and behaviour in schools, and in 1994 the Department for Education encouraged head teachers, in consultations with their governing bodies, staff and parents, to develop whole school behaviour policies and approaches which are clearly understood by pupils, parents and the school staff. The guidance recommended that schools should also have an anti bullying policy; School staff must act and importantly be seen to act firmly against bullying whenever and wherever it appears. School behaviour policies and the associated rules of conduct should, therefore, make specific reference to bullying. Governing bodies should regularly review their schools policy in bullying. School prospectuses and other documents issued to parents and pupils should make it clear that bullying will not be tolerated. Prospectuses should also explain arrangements through which pupils troubled by bullying can draw their concerns to the att ention of staff in the confidence that these will be carefully investigated and, if substantiated, taken seriously and acted upon. Individual members of staff must be alert to signs of bullying and act promptly and firmly against it. Failure to report incident may be interpreted as condoning the behaviour (Elliott 1997c:118). In more recent times, when a secondary school uses SEAL (Social and Emotional Aspects of Learning), if used effectively it contributes to the work secondary schools are doing to reduce bullying. When a school implements SEAL effectively across the whole school it establishes strong foundations to its work to prevent bullying. At the core of SEAL are the social and emotional skills, which are all important because high levels of these skills create social climate that does not tolerate bullying behaviour (DCSF 2007) The partnership between ChildLine and Schools is a recent initiative, called CHIPS which was established by ChildLine aiming to work directly in schools, youth clubs and other settings with children and young people across the UK. In 2007/2008 CHIPS worked with more than 66,000 children and young people across more than 700 primary schools and secondary schools and almost 100 special schools and youth groups, to endorse the view that children and young people can help each other, can play a part in making changes to improve their own lives, and have a right to be listened to and respected. CHIPS provides a range of services from awareness raising assemblies, workshops dealing with bullying issues, to setting up peer support schemes, that encourage children and young people to support each other (NSPCC 2008), all of those services are done within the schools. There are many implications when it comes to initiatives and provision, the first is less attention appears to have been paid to childrens support needs during periods of transition, for example between primary school and secondary school. Children often fear bullying at points of transition in their lives, or at particular turning points, for example, during the move from primary to secondary school. Children in their last year of primary school may be seen as the leaders of their school. Primary schools are generally smaller, both in the fabric of the building and in the size of the school population. Secondary schools are, by contrast, frequently viewed as fearfully large places, where newcomers represent the lowest rung of a long ladder. Children who change schools as a result of moving home may also feel vulnerable to bullying. It would therefore seem useful for more research to be conducted on the support needs of children as they learn the ropes of their new environment. Another implication is making sure that all schools have an anti bullying policy within school and that it is used effectively and at all staff knows how to use it. Some of these studies were prompted by the concerns raised by parents and pupils that anti bullying policies and strategies were having a limited effect). The evidence shows that adopting an anti bullying policy is not enough; policies need to be effectively implemented and sustained over the long term (Glover et al, 1998). Parents and teachers is another implication as they are not seen to be working together or not working together as much as they should. It is every childs democratic right to attend school in safely. As education is one of the very few compulsory activities that parents and the government impose onto children, it involves all adults, in whatever capacity, to ensure that this is possible. Parent and teachers, being the most closely involved have the most valuable role to play. Parents are often extremely anxious to have a bully situation speedily resolved and so will offer the highest level of commitment. Their level of distress can often be reduced by inviting them to become actively involved in any plan as feelings of helplessness may be increasing their concern (Besag 1992:155). It may be easier for the victim to confide in a teacher rather than in their parents who are often bewildered by the childs reluctance to discuss the matter and refusal of their offers of help. The situatio n in such cases remains shrouded in mystery, and parents rely heavily on teacher to support the child and communicate with them appropriately. Another implication is when a parent does not feel that the school of their bullied child has not dealt with the bullying in an effective way and stopped it, and they withdraw their child from the school where the child is getting bullied and either moving them to another school or even educating the child at home, this may have a negative effect on the victim, as if they attended a new school, they would have to make new friend and there in not certainty that they will not get bullied at the new school, it will also have an effect on the childs education because they may possible be at different stages in the curriculum at the new school compared to the school that they were previously at. If the parents of the bullied child decide to educate their child at home, they would have to sort out materials and resources themselves, and this could take time and money. Parents should be warned that if they decide to educate their child at home, they have opted out of the state education sys tem and should not expect any assistance in educating their child from the LEA (Local Education Authority). Under the Education Act 1996, parents have a legal duty to ensure that their child receives an efficient full time education suitable to the childs age, ability and aptitude, whether this be at school or otherwise in some kind of education. (Elliott 1997d:124). Chapter 3: Government Initiatives and the Education of Children who are being bullied The barriers to education both before and after the point at which a child is bullied set out above can be institutionally specific, but it is also clear that some barriers and some of the problems of provision difficulties around reintegration are dependent on government policies and the wider educational system. This chapter will analyse the effectiveness of Government policies, initiatives and how these influence educational systems and may both increase educational involvement or attainment and reduce bullying. However, because of the plethora of local initiatives the chapter will focus on the larger scale initiatives, which aim to tackle the main problems (as set out and evidenced in previous chapters), therefore the primary discussion will focus on how the current Government has tackled the issues as mentioned above since they came into power in 1997. For almost two decades, bullying in schools has attracted the interest and concern of governments and policy makers. In the late 1980s a public enquiry was launched into unruly behaviour in schools, the result of this enquiry was the Elton Report (1989). The Report highlighted the issue of bullying, and suggested that a positive school ethos provides the essential factor in facilitating academic success and positive pupil relations. A positive school ethos has, however, proven a difficult concept to define or quantify. Instead, research has tended to focus on the relative merits of different approaches or interventions designed to reduce or prevent bullying (Mackinnon et al 1995:43). In the 1990s an extensive research funded by the DfEE, indicated that bullying was far more prevalent in some schools than others, and that the reasons for this pattern could not always be attributed to single cause (such as social deprivation, or geographical location). Some schools were also shown to be more effective than others at introducing and sustaining anti bullying work. Despite these complexities, the research provided much needed evidence on what had up till now remained a largely hidden phenomenon, and provided the basis for the governments first major attempt to provide schools with evidence based research on effective anti bullying strategies (DfE 1994, DfEE 2000). Almost a decade later, bullying continues to represent an important issue for public policy, not least because of the links between bullying, academic underachievement and mental health problems Guidance issued to teacher and school governors highlights their duty to prevent all forms of bullying: the emotional distress caused by bullying in whatever form be it racial, or as a result of a childs appearance, behaviour or special educational needs, or related to sexual orientation, can prejudice school achievement, lead to lateness or truancy, and in extreme cases, end with suicide, low report rates should not themselves be taken as proof that bullying is not occurring' (DFEE, 1999:24- 25). The National Healthy School Standard (DfEE 1999) also recommended the development of anti bullying initiatives as part of a whole school approach to raising educational standards, improving the health of children and young people, and reducing social exclusion. The DfES has also recently announced that, as part of the governments national behaviour and attendance strategy, guidance and training will be offered to all secondary schools on tackling bullying from September 2003. However, while the whole school approach might be interpreted as echoing the notion of a school ethos, in other respects the issue of bullying appears to be beset by a numb
Friday, January 17, 2020
All Adoption Records Should be Open to Adopted People over Eighteen Years Old
The issues of having adoption documents open for access by the adopted people who are over eighteen years has caused a lot of heated debate in America. There has been a revolution in the adoption scene as some of the states have legalized the opening of previously sealed adoption documents.There are raging debates due to the controversy which is brought by opening and sealing the adoption records. The right of the birth parent to privacy is weighed against the fundamental right of the adopted adult to know and the right to equality. This paper seeks to bring out the reasons as to why these previously sealed documents should be open for adopted adults.There are more than six million adoptees in the United States of America. Currently, only six states in America offer the open inspection of adoption records. These are Tennessee, Hawaii, Delaware, Alabama, Kansas and Alaska (Mabry & Kelly, 357).In most of the other states, the original birth certificate and the adoption documents are no t accessible to anyone without a court order. Alabama allows the opening of these documents only after consent while Oregon and Tennessee also require consent from the court. In Tennessee, the adult adoptee is forbidden for establishing contact.Some states recommend the use of specific search and consent protocols which require the agency to locate either member of the adoption triad enquire whether they would allow their identity to be revealed to the other member (Mabry & Kelly, 359).The adoption triad refers to the adopted adult, the adopted parents and the birth parents. à Opening adoption documents or records refers to making a variety of previously confidential and sealed information available to a member of the adoption triad.These adoption records can be either the original unammended birth certificate, the court records from the adoption and other confidential information including the adoption agencysââ¬â¢ documents which may reveal the identity of any of the members of the triad (Mabry & Kelly, 369).After an adoptive placement is finalized, the original documents and documents proceeding from these cases are closed.Most adopted adults are in favor of the opening of the adoption documents primarily to ease their search for their birth parents or eliminate the need for a search. They argue that keeping these documents sealed from adopted adults, impairs with their emotional status and denies them of their right to know the identity of their parents like every other person.Adoption documents were initially sealed in order to protect any members of the adoption triad from the prevailing attitudes of the time. There was a lot of social stigma arising from illegitimacy and infertility. People were also stigmatized based on their wealth or other features in their families.The courts felt that the exposure of the triad especially the child to these attitudes would hinder their potential. Sealing adoption documents allowed the adopted child to grow up w ithout these additional pressures from the society (Mabry & Kelly, 436).The main reason as to why the adoption documents were sealed was to protect the adoption triad from social stigma associated with illegitimacy and infertility.The changing times have eliminated this stigma as millions of people nowadays choose not to get married, to become single parents or even get married and choose not to have any children. Any stigma associated with either of these has been eroded over time.The opening of adoption records only for adopted adults over the age of eighteen years ensures that they are already emotionally and mentally developed and the chances of their birth parents affecting their development is minimized.Adoption documents allow the adopted adult to find out of any genetic conditions which they may have inherited from their birth parents. The knowledge of any genetic predisposition to life threatening medical conditions allows the adopted adult to seek help early.This also allo ws early detection of any medical conditions and could potentially save lives (Siegel, 17). In cases where the adopted adults also intend on having their own children, it is necessary for them to know of any possibilities of passing on genetic conditions to their children and make informed decisions based on these facts.Adopted adults may also require organ transplants. The most successful organ transplants are from genetically identical individuals since there are less chances of rejection. For the adopted adult, this implies that they have to contact their birth parents and any other siblings they may have for potential donors.The adult who is adopted at childhood has the fundamental right to know the identity of his parents (Mabry & Kelly, 508). These unanswered questions bring a lifetime of confusion and loss of identity.The contract between both sets of parents is entered on behalf of the adopted child. Once the child reaches eighteen years, they are legally capable of making m ost legal decisions and they should be treated as adults who have the right to decide whether they require information regarding the birth parents.In cases where they choose to have access, the information should be availed readily (Siegel, 17). The United States of America is founded on the tenet of equality for all its citizens. Opening adoption documents ensures that adopted people are given equal right to know their parents, similar to their non adopted counterparts (Blanton & Deschner, 534).The adopted individuals should be given the same right as everyone else. à This in turn brings peace of mind and the adopted adults can move on with their lives.There are many people who feel that the opening of these previously closed documents should be prohibited and adult adoptees should not be given information regarding their birth parents. Those who oppose the opening of these documents insist that the birth parents may not want contact from the children (DuPrau, 28).The supporters of opening adoption records insist that the opening of these documents does not necessarily imply intent of contact. In many cases the adult adoptee is simply curious or is intent on identifying any genetic medical conditions of the birth parents (Blanton & Deschner, 530 .The issue of people preferring abortion to adoption due to the ramifications of the children later looking for them has also been debated. The supporters of open documents maintain that the two issues are unrelated and the rates of abortion have not increased in states that have allowed open adoption documents (Cocozzell, 36).There is no need for the birth parent to feel insecure because most states specify no contact unless it is permitted. The birth parents have no biding parental responsibilities on the adopted adult and the only thing they seek is information on their identity and possible their medical condition. In some instances birth parents who gave up their children for adoption are also interested in mak ing contact and are relieved when the adopted adults contact them (Cocozzell, 36).There are also arguments that insist that the identification of birth parents is a threat to the relationship of the adopted individual with their adoptive parents. While it may be true for an adopted child, for an adult adoptee, the identification of the birth parents is not a threat to their relationship with the adoptive parents (DuPrau, 18).In conclusion, all adoption documents should be open to all adopted people over the age of eighteen years. This allows equality to all people and gives the adopted adults peace of mind regarding any questions they may have concerning their identity as well as any potential genetic conditions which, they may have inherited from their birth parents.REFERENCESBlanton L. & Deschner Jeanne, ââ¬Å"Biological Mothers' Grief: The Post adoptive Experience in Open vs. Confidential Adoption,â⬠Child Welfare 59 (1990): 525-535.Cocozzelli Carmello, ââ¬Å"Predicting th e Decision of Biological Mothers to Retain or Relinquish Their Babies for Adoption: Implications for Open Placement,â⬠Child Welfare 68 (1999): 33-44.DuPrau Jeanne. Adoption: the facts, feelings, and issues of a double heritage. Michigan: University of Michigan, 2007. 16-99.
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